A treasure hunt for the early proofs of Papiamento/Papiamentu - Part One

Other than in the English, French and Spanish colonies that imposed their languages on the colonized, the Dutch however never imposed their language on the colonized, either from indifferenc or from a Mercaht/economical standpoint. In fact, the colonizer took over in the colony the language of the colonized. It woud last untill the 20th century that Dutch was compsulsively imposed by the Dutch colonizer. But then Papiamento had been anchored in the entire society for two centuries, that it was no longer to think it away. Instead of Papiamento, Dutch in the last century became more and more a language threatened in the colony which had more and more land price in almost all language domains.

In contrast to the indifference of the colonial administration saw the mission from the outset the need to use Papiamento to reach the convert. Consecutively, for example, the Jesuits (1704 - 1742), the Franciscans (1776 - 1820) and the Paters Dominicans from 1870 were missionaries. But it turns out that the Government in the early stages also used Papiamento for official announcements.




The paters saw the absolute necessity of Papiamento for preaching and teaching, but when the brothers (Fraters in Dutch) arrive in the twentieth century, they propagate Dutch in education and Papiamento was getting systematically banned from the schools more and more. At the beginning of the 20th century, an education law was supossed to teach 'as much as possible' in Dutch, which still left a place open for the use of Papiamento, only with a new education ordinance of 1936 would the language be absolutely forbidden in al forms of education. With the statute of 1954 the education becomes an autonomous competence of the local government. In fact, an absolute colonial ban on Papiamento in education has not lasted more than eighteen years.

Past texts on and in Papiamento.


Whatever the origins of Papiamento, the fact is that the language was used by the island's residents at a very early stage. There are some reliable proofs of it. Historian pater W. Brada wrote in 1956 that the origin of Papiamento took place between 1705 ( father Schabels testimony) and 1776, when the Franciscans came to the island and began preaching in Papiamento. The Spanish 'stray' priests who, until then, visited the islands time to time, were strangely opposed to the people, they did not speak Dutch and did not learn Papiamento. But the regular missonairies were aware that it was impossible to not to preach in Papiamento, since the language was already widespread. Since the eighteenth century, there have been written evidence that Papiamento had also penetrated into the sizeable households, also as written language. In addition, Papiamento was already used at official witness statements.




Gradually, more and more references to the early use of Papiamento have been found. For instance, studies have been found of Smeulders (1987), Fouse (2002), Martinus (1996) and Rupert (2012) which are of importance. Toos Smeulders had a important impetus whuch was subsequently supplemented. Linda Rupert, as the provisional last in the row, writed about the spoken and written Papiamento: "There is a steady and reliable stream of references to the language being spoken across a variety of socioeconomic groups throughout the 1700s. There is a smattering of compelling, if incomplete, written evidence of Papiamentu throughout the eighteenth century".

Frank Martinus notes: "As early as the end of the 17th century, Papiamentu had acquired native speakers under the Dutch and Jewish population". 

From the earliest indications that Papiamento got fixed foot on the islands are three successive phases distinguishable. Initially, it was only written about the language of the country, which apprently referred to as Papiamento; And then, Papiamento was mentioned in particular, and finally we come across the oldest surviving written texts in Papiamento.

Oldest references to Papiamento.

Examples of the oldest references to Papiamento are mainly found in sources around the mission and in legal matters concerning references and quotations related to the case-law. It is the Bohemian missionary pater Michael Joannes Alexius Schabel S.J. who in 1705 was the first who by his remark about the language of Curacao, which he characterized as broken Spanish, pointed to Papiamento -'Creole, which is broken Spanish' as everyday language on the island. In the Dutch translation of a report written by Schabel in 1705 about his Curacaon experiences, he reports on the inhabitans of the island "Most speak Spanish, or atleast Creole, which is broken Spanish. One in a hundred speaks another language, but they themselves speak Christian, as in Spanish, according to the Spanish phrase ''habla christiano', speak Christian, that is Spanish". It remains in his writing with this remark. He will not have appreciated the vernacular because he does not return to this subject anywhere in his journal.



Schabel was on the island during the Spanish Succession War (1702-1713), a European war that has been known by the looting of the island by Jacques Cassard. Over which De Gaaij Fortman extendedly wrote in the West Indian Guide in 1924. Frank Martinus found in this diary with the help of his own discipline, very early linquistically indications in the field of vocabulary and pronunciations for the influence of Papiamento which were manifested in those days. He gives a beautiful and striking example with today's still so well-known saying "Awa pasa harina" as the name of a Jewish trading vessel in 1767.

In 1732, prefect Agustinus Bertrandus Caysedo y Velasco wrote to his superiors that on the island of Curacao next to Dutch, Spanish, and Portuguese 'el idioma del pais' (The language of the island) was being spoken. Moments later, in 1737 there was a mention of 'the creole language' spoken by the enslaved and free people on legal occasions. He did not considered the national language as 'broken Spanish' as Schabel still did, but as an independent language, as Linda Rupert noted.




The Dutch pater (Father) Dominicus Dujardin mentions that in 1740 'He was seriously and diligently dedicated to the idiom of the Negroes and Mulattos'. The offcial name of Dominicus Dujardin S.J. was D. Verhof, but he changed his name to make it more 'French-sounding'. He was born in in the year 1705 in Bailleul (French Flanders) , he was ordained as a priest in 1737 and arrived on October 1739 in Curacao, where he died on September 15th 1741  in bitter poverty on stomach disease. Historian Johan Hartog mentioned about him: "Dujardin, a stomach sufferer, did not make it long, but the few months he worked here will have earned him the Heavens: He was a missionary, he was poor and walked barefoot, he learned the language of the slaves - Papiamento was still in the making, and even in the unpious environment of eighteenth-century Curacao he made converts.". What historicus Hartog here means with 'languages' because according to him 'the unit language is still in progress' he does not report any further, but it is striking that Father Brada also reports this.

The quotations that mentions Papiamento are stacked up, Father Franciscus Theodorus Brouwers (1776-1787) 'was a man well acquainted with the languages, both national and foreign languages' says Father Brada. To which he still adds: "One has to be able to use many languages in Curacao, since there was a lot of traffic, he will also have to learn Papiamento" Father Schabel, the Jesuit says "That one spoke in Curacao broken Spanish". One of the later Jesuit Fathers it was written that he had to learn several languages, when the dialects and the existing languages on Curacao were seemingly not yet grown into one language, but in a request of 1767 it is called that there is a creole language that exists on Curacao. The Franciscan Fathers already preached in Papiamento. For indtance, Pater Stoppel, one of the Franciscans writes that in the H. Mass of six hours and the catchism-explanation has the place 'Papiamentice'. Brouwers wrote to the Propaganda Code that the mission had begun to preach in the local language, a language that he characterized as a mixture of Galician, Spanish, and Dutch. Father Jacobus Schinck obviously spoke Papiamento with Tula during the revolt of August 17th 1795, even though his report was in Dutch.



The enumeration of reports about Papiamento has no end. In 1767, a written ordinance for the captains and officers of the "Free Negroes and Mulattos in the Creole language" was read aloud.Linda Rupert points out that continued research will most likely be able to bring forth further examples. The examples show that Papiamento in various social institutions of the population such as church, military case-law were no longer unthinkable. In the eighteenth century, Papiamento acquired a fix footing, not only in the lower regions of the illiterate people's class, but also in the circles amongst considerable persons. Female slaves spoke the language, but Jewish inhabitans were also speaking in the 'Negro talk" and also spoke the language in the homely atmosphere. Also in geographical indications and names of ships appears influence of Papiamento. In 1776 the Dutch Fathers Franciscans take over the mission, Papiamento becomes the language of preaching.

Papiamento mentioned in particular: The oldest texts written in Papiamento.

The oldest mention of the word Papiamento is an exciting story in which a captain from Curacao is captured by the English and imprisoned in North-America where he is in a strict trial before the judge and must prove that he is indeed from Curacao. He does that with the help of the language he and his man speak. In 1747, there was a war between Spain and England. The English seized the Dutch ship 'Jonge Johannes' from Curacao for the coast of Venezuela, because they thought that it was a enemy Spanish ship when they heard the crew talking. The crew was brought up and answered in Newport, Rhode Island. The captain proved that his ship was not Spanish, but that it came from Curacao - and thus was neutral and thus unjustly yielded - using the language.

According to the captin, the crew of the ship spoke "broken Spanish, and broken Dutch what is called Poppemento". The English report of the interrogation is the oldest document in whuch the word Papiamento occurs. The English-speaking writer probably didn't know how to spell the word Papiamento and wrote it wrong. It is possible that the printer has been misttaken when the historical questioning was published much later.

Here is a fragment of the interrogated, quoted from the issue (2004) from the Woordenlijst van der in de landstaal van Curacao meest gebruikelijke woorden met zamenspraken (1859) by Bernardus Th.J Frederiks & Jacobus J. Putman.

About Sixteen or Seventeen people belonged to the Sloop. Five whereof were Spaniards, eight free Negroes of Curacao, but whether born there I can't tell. One Negro SLave, myself, and a Boy, and took them all on board at Curacao. (Captain Daniel Soorbeek 422).

Qn.: What language was used on board Yr. Sloop in Common, could either of the people speak Dutch, and how many?
Ar.: Broken Spanish and broken Dutch, what is called Poppemento, Spanish. (Kapitein Daniel Schoorbeek 422)
Qn.: What language did the people on board the Sloop speak?
Ar.: Dutch, Spanish, and Poppemento, but chiefly Poppemento.
Qn.: Whether they speak commonly talk Poppemento in Curacao?
Ar.: Yes.
(...)
Qn: Can you speak Dutch?
Ar.: No.

This procedural document is the oldest source porving that Papiamentu in 1474 was the generally common, speaking language on Curacao and that this language already had its own name. A second, what later, example is the official letter of director Jean Rodier (1713-1762) to the Chamber in Amsterdam, according to Toos Smeulders, stating that the priest Arnold Maubach was severly handicapped in his missionary work by not knowing any Spanish or Papiamentu, whereas 'Papiament' was called 'the language of the Negroes or Natives'. During the English interim reign, the British governor Hughes in 1802 and Chauguion in 1805 talked about Papiamento, a language that was also understood by an officier from this occupying forces, weote Linda Rupert. Pastor Johannes Stoppel reported in 1816 that the earlier Morning mass was celebrated in Papiamento. When Martinus Niewindt goes to Bonaire in 1824 to preach there, he has to return unadjusted, because he did not know the language of the people, yet.

Even in Venezuela it was called Papiamento. Van de Overwal reports to the bishop of Caracas that no other language was understood in Curacao than Papiamento and that this language was therefore used by the priests in their daily work. Linda Rupert reports all the details in her book Creolization and Contraband. Governor Pedro Carbonell from Venezuela banned in 1795 the import of Curacaon slaves because they urged the other slaves to speak Papiamento, the language used in Curacao.
In the same year the Governor Joh. de Veer spoke of the national language, rather than mentioning the language by its name.

A long list of quotations, while it is so certain that many and many more of these statements should have been. This indicates, on the other hand, that the language was rooted, but also the unexpected suprise: what is quite obvious is usually not appointed.

The oldest written text in Papiamento.

The circumstances surrounding the oldest known written text are so uneven, even more intriguing than the oldest mention the word Papiamentu. There is dust for a complete historical novel. The famous secretive 'Carta di amor' that was written by Abraham da Costa Andrade to Sarah de Isaac Parro y Vaz Farro in 1776, proves that Papiamento was used in the intimate letter 'traffic' by considerable persons in society, although it was probably party from a point of view secrecy of the content. "The language used in the letter shows a remarkable equality with the language used today", notes Toos Smeulders (1987:30). The letter is often cited and quoted, but Linda Rupert (2012) succeeds in chapter six of Creolization and Contraband in order to this love letter around the tragic, because cheating love-history,  - including unwanted pregnancy, and even consideration of Abortion. Of the young couple pain-stakingly commenting and in the conext in which the letter was written to post. A son was born. The adulterous pair were excomunicated and Abraham moved to Jamaica, whereas Sarah moved to St.Thomas respectively.

With the recently surfaced letters as 'brieven als buit' or 'letters as loot' has now surfaced from 1783 in which again there is proof of a written text in Papiamento. Anna Elisabeth Schermer-Charje wrote from the island the note in Papiamento in the name of her newborn son Jantje and sent it to her husband Dirk Schermer who was then in Rotterdam. One of the sentence in old Papiamento "Mi papa bieda die mi Courasson, mijn Papa, leven van mijn hart', biene prees to seeka bo joego doesje". This is the note that Dirk Schermer never recieved. After all, it was captured by the enemy and only recently it came above water.

After the Curaçaon sources, an official legal testimony from 1803 of 'Foresters' in Aruba is an important document. A high-ranking quarrel between two Aruban Kemp's cocks, Pieter Specht and B.G. Quant, was fought at the court in Curacao. The declaration of the summoned Aruban witnesses was given in Papiamento and written in Papiamento. Also in Aruba, at the time Papiamento was alrrady used by everyone, just like in Bonaire and Curacao.

Yes, this long list is not suprising that even the first Catechism of Curacao, published Martinus Niewindt, was published in Papiamentu. Unfortunatly, this early religious text in Papiamento is lost, at least completly untracable after they have been present in 1939 at a large book exhibition of Club ''De Gezelligheid'.